“As long as we don’t treat our guest workers
as human beings, we are not like
human beings ourselves.”
Jon Ungphakorn, Bangkok Post 14, 11, 2007
Recently women trafficking becomes a big concern in Southeast Asia. According to the statistics from the Companion Handbook On Anti-trafficking In Children And Women published by World Vision (2005), from 200 000 to 250 000 of women and children are trafficked annually from Southeast Asia. This statistics confirms that the number of trafficked women and children is as equal as one third of the global trafficking trade. Among the total number, around 60 % are deported to big cities of Southeast Asia and proximately 40% to other countries in the world. This evil action not only deteriorates those women’s economic status, but also forces them into the slavery works. Many migrants who wish to improve their family economics take a risk in migrating to their neighboring countries whose economics is far better than their own. However, without any awareness of being trafficked, they even fall into the debt bondage in order to pay those who wish to exploit them. They are forced to overwork or do sex work without any payment. They could not access to social activities and services including healthcare. Even they are sick they have to work until they recover themselves. They could not complain or protest; otherwise they will be badly mistreated or raped. Additionally, they could not even return back home, since they are detained or frightened that they would be arrested by the police, who are the trafficker’s accomplice.
To be these kinds of workers, they are not only abused by the traffickers, but also marginalized or stigmatized by the public. Without knowing the real cause, people just blame them that they are the stealers of their jobs or parasite of the society or they are lazy; they do not want to do any proper job but sex workers. One may see this crime clearer in Thailand, which is reported as one of the biggest destination and transit countries for women trafficking in Southeast Asia. Because of its economic growth that demands 3 D workers as well as its policy to facilitate the sex industry to absorb the great deal of tourists from around the world, women very often are trafficked from Thailand’s neighboring countries. Those women are deceived or promised to be provided the job that guaranteed the far better salary than their own countries. Burmese women can provide the clearest example, since their country is torn apart by the political insurgencies and economic crisis. With their illegal status as well as the unawareness of the trap of the traffickers, they were cheated or forced to work as the slave-like employees or sex workers.
In order to respond to such a crime as well as public stigmatization, Civil Society both local and international, tries its best to address the problems of those trafficked women and brings about the awareness and cooperation with the public as well as the government to fight against the criminals. In spite of having a lot of literatures on the difficulties of those trafficked women, not much works have been done to what extent the roles and difficulties of civil society in addressing the problems of trafficking, especially the effort and dialogue that they have to make with the government who considers those trafficked women as outside of the responsibility of its Nation-State. Therefore, this study is done in order to explore the roles and difficulties of Civil Society in helping the trafficked Burmese women in Mae Sot, Tak province (please see its map in the Appendix 1).
In order to meet the satisfactory result, quantitative, qualitative, and situating data are collected. Dept-Interview is implemented with many key informants most importantly, the Civil Society agents. To understand the real situation of those trafficked Burmese women, many processes are done. Situating Analysis helps to identify if the important function of environment (pool resources), cultural and political elites in both Burma and Thailand still play a key role or not and why. To do so, the background and situation of the Burmese women is revealed. Moreover, Quantitative and Qualitative analysis is used to find out the difficulties and roles of Civil Society in helping those women, and also to cross-check the data from the Situating Analysis to make sure that the research is reliable.
CONTROVERSIAL CONCEPT OF TRAFFICKING
According to the UN Protocol to the prevent, elimination, and punishment to the crime of trafficking in persons, particularly trafficking in women and children, trafficking is defined as
“the act of recruitment, transportation, transfer, harboring or receiving persons by threatening, forcing, coercion, kidnapping, deceiving, making use of the difficulties of victim, giving money or offering other profits in order to persuade a person to control another for abuse purposes. In a narrower meaning, abuse includes forcing a person to be a prostitute, sex salvery, labor abuse or other slavery-like forms, submission, or cutting off organs from the victim’s body.” 
According to this definition, trafficking seems to be a chain of two actions, to smuggle with any kind of means and force to do any kind of job without any payment. But if it fails to meet the aforementioned criteria, it just can be describes as the action of smuggling and labor or human rights abuse.
Because of the genius of the traffickers, and the unclear cut definition, there are a lot of debates on how the Civil Societies can define trafficking and take action against it. We have four case studies related to sex slaves which represent the debates. The first case is about a Burmese woman who needed money to pay for her mother’s lung cancer operation decided to sell her body to a Chinese man for 1375 USD. The Chinese man just brought her to China and kept her in his home. After she learned that she was pregnant and no longer wanted to be with him, she tried to run away, but it was useless. She was always arrested. The second case is about a Cambodian woman who got married with a Taiwanese man becomes a psychiatric person because of her husband’s abuse. According to her, not only beaten, but she could not go outside as well as make any friends with others. Her husband told her that he brought her to Taiwan just to produce children for him. The third case is talking about a woman that got married with a foreign husband. While went to live in her husband’s country, he sold her to the brothel. The fourth case is about a Vietnamese girl who was deceived to China to work as the porter. However, in China, she was trafficked to marry a Chinese man. She had to live with him for ten years.
All the women in these four cases face the same result of being detained as the sex slave, but only the third and forth cases are deemed as the trafficking cases by some Civil Society, while others still keep the questions in mind if they should consider those cases as trafficking or not. It is argued that the third and fourth cases are trafficking because they were deceived or fraud, and if they let the first and second cases be the trafficking cases, someone, who wants to go abroad and has another boyfriend, or after receive money from her husband, can change the domestic violence case into trafficking case to be against her husband. So the first and second cases can be seen as only human right abuse or domestic violence, because the victims decided to do that themselves. However, others argue that those victims should be considered as the trafficked, not because of the case of self-selling or marrying, but it is because they were transferred and forced into their sex slaves after they sold themselves or married. It does not matter if they have to sleep with their husbands or others, but it matters when they did not like to have sex with them, and those people force them to do that, and it is afraid that if these cases can not be deemed as the trafficking case, maybe other people can use them as the way to mistreat or detain the women to be their sex slaves.
These two arguments have their own strength and weakness, and because of these, many cases still have impact on the Civil Society’s role. As witnessed in Mae Sot, a civil society that was interviewed, rather than consulted the case with the authority, sometimes tried to rescue those who reported to it that they were trafficked and forced to do what they did not want, even though it knows that it may risk having some problems with the employers.
Furthermore, the case itself is more complicated since this crime does involve with many people and processes. According to the interview with Civil Society in Mae Sot, and some literature review, those traffickers are very clever. They do not involve directly with this crime; they usually divided themselves into three groups. The first one played the role as Burmese broker who takes responsible for recruiting women and sending them to Thailand. The second one can be Thai or Burmese broker, who will bring those women to the work place. And the third one works as the employer who will exploit those women. So all these people will not be charged as the traffickers, but just as the smuggler and the labor or human right abuse, and the legal punishment will be less than the case of trafficking.
IN LAND IS TIGER WHILE IN WATER IS CROCODILE
Burma, and Cambodia, can be called as the land of curse, because its nation state history is riddled with many plights. Not only many wars it has made with the colonialist and the ethnic insurgents, but its economic crisis also has driven people to the stage of hardship. According to USAID, roughly 13 million of 48 million Burmese populations live under the living standard. Their income is less than 1 dollar per day. One may argue why the economics in Burma still declines because since 1988 onward Burmese government has changed its policy from the “way to Burmese socialism to the market orientation”. Indeed, it is true that government changed its policy, and it is true that many investments grown rapidly in Burma, especially the textile industry in Rangoon. However, with its corruption and its political crackdowns, economic sanction is imposed; as the result, this country faces the economic crisis again. Another point should be noted, even though the establishment of garment factories are seen as the most important factor in increasing the economics of the developing countries, but in Burma is the different case. The manufacturing contributes only 6.5 to Burmese GDP, but 60% from agriculture produces.
According to many research papers, it is reported that in order to respond to the economic crisis, the government just tries to increase the tax on the poor people. According to the crosscheck between two research results, an agricultural worker can earn only 2000 Kyat per month, but as Reiko Harima et al. interviewed one of the Burmese country research team, ” taxes imposed on the Burmese, including porter fees, voluntary labor fees, fire watch fees, people’s militia fees, and other social donations estimated …as averaging 3000 kyat per month (3 dollars)” is more than the income of an agricultural worker. Hereby, if they could not pay for that heavy tax, they will be forced to do forced labor from one week to one month. Additionally, some people who have received agricultural credit from the government have to sell their rice in the set price and amount. It is not problematic if the rice really yields well, but it will be a big concern if it produces not enough even for their own family. As Chaw Chaw (2003: 209) quoted from a household he interviewed,
“My farm hardly produces the required quota these days because I cannot afford to buy fertilizer and also because of the bad weather. Sometimes I have to sell part of Wanza (rice seed which is preserved for growing the next time) to fulfill the quota, so we have to buy rice for our own consumption at the black-market price, which is twice the price of what we get when we sell to the state.”
With the economic hardship, political trauma also encourage the state itself trafficks many people from one place to another to do forced labor. Therefore, the hard life in Burma force many people, especially the women, to find the jobs in the city or in Thailand where they believed they can make more money to solve their family’s problems. However, the way they come to Thailand and the real working situation in Thailand are not like they wish. They are very easy to be deceived and forced into the forced labor or sex work.
Along the way to Thailand, they are even deceived to pay for the trip, accommodation, food, bribes to the Burmese border police, and even to pay those who wish to exploit them. Some of them who do not have any money have to force themselves to sell their property such as land; and those who could not afford may borrow some money from other people with high interest. But others choose to pay after they get the salary from their work. To do so, they are likely to end up in the debt bondage. Furthermore, they face many problem during the traveling, their property and their legal document may be confiscated; they may experience the sickness, lack of food, and even rape.
In Thailand, in the case of women trafficking to be the sex workers, as mentioned earlier, Government policy to facilitate the sex industry and great demand of sex workers and the big profit of this business stimulate many people to be involved with trafficking. As described in the model by Warasak Mahatdhananobol (please see in the appendix 2), the network between Thai gangs not only is made with the Burmese, but also the Chinese gangs. These groups of people have many tricks and talent to detect those women who have the problems so that they will be easy to fall into their trap. After that, those women will be forced to work as the sex workers to pay for their debt that they pay for the first broker. Or they are threatened that they can face the arrestment and punishment from the police who are their accomplice. Some of them who resist will be raped, beaten, and drugged. As Pimpawun et al  quoted Mei, a sex worker, the brothel owner drugged her daily so that she would have sex with the clients without any resistance.
Additionally, some of Thai police in Mae Sot also involved with this crime. Pimpawun et al (2006: 196) added that 5000 baht will be paid by the owner of the Brothel to the police monthly. And some of them can go to brothel to have sex with the sex worker without paying any money or paying half. And in some cases the trafficked women who were arrested may not considered as the victims, but the illegal migrant. They sometimes got raped in the police station. As described in the work of the same author as follows:
“In the past policemen put the Burmese women and girls in Jail and charged them as illegal migrants, demanded bribes, and raped them during their incarceration in the police station. A well-known story is told that all the police in one police station in Mae Sot died of AIDS as a result of raping Burmese women that they caught. After the incident of the death of all the police in one station, they supposedly stopped raping the Burmese women whom they caught but still demanded bribes from them.”
And from what I interviewed from the Civil Society in Mae Sot also confirm about this case as continues until nowadays. According to some trafficked women that they helped rescue, they were trafficked to Bangkok in the police car, or the driver wore the police uniform. Some of them reported that the place that they were detained also displayed the picture of the police and the traffickers as friends. Work in such 3 D job, and with some humiliation from some police, the trafficked women very often end up their lives as the impoverished, drug dealers, and HIV holders.
For the case of women trafficking to be domestic workers, lives of these women may be better than the sex workers, but their concern are not still in the focus of both the public and the government. The public does not see them as the victims, but as the stealers of their jobs. But when the argument is proposed which jobs they steal, the answer is not provided, because those Burmese women do the 3 D jobs, that the Thai people never wish to touch. People never imagine how they overwork daily, but they could not make much money. As Awatsaya Panam et al (2004:93) quoted directly from a woman who worked as the domestic worker but believed that she herself was trafficked,
“first an aunt who had sympathy for our family introduced me to a carrier (broker) to bring me to work in Thailand. That carrier sold me from the place to place in Bangkok. The first time three of us were sold together to the same house. The word “sold” means the carrier took half of our salary in advance for one year. We stay at the first house fro one year. I received only 9000 Bath and then wanted to go home, but the carrier said I could not go yet. She took away all 9000 bath and then sent me to another house….the next house where I worked the employer gave me 2000 baht per month but the carrier took 800 baht a month for one year, so I received only 1200 baht per month. But this employer helped me to send money home and did not want to give the 800 baht per month to the carrier. However, they feared the carrier might take me away so they had to give that carrier that rate every month for more than one year. After three years, I intended to go home and had only saved 6000 baht. But, the carrier found me and again took all of my money and said I have to continue work..”
All this story maybe not heard by the Thai, and also maybe not heard by the Burmese in Burma. From the Thai perspective, Thailand is encroached by the Burmese migrant workers; but from the Burmese’s perspective in Burma Thailand is the heaven. It is ironic to see this viewpoint while listen to the Burmese migrant worker saying that Thailand is something that they never expected before.
Thai government herself also contributes indirectly to the trafficked women. Without any clear migration policy, it seems to allow those opportunists to take advantages of the Burmese women. There is no point to say that Thai Government could not control the migration flow from Burma or its other neighboring countries, but if we look at the statistic, a great deal of illegal migrants is staying in Thailand. As mentioned above, it is not the natural phenomena that Thai government could not control, but it should be something that Thai government does not care. So far, Thailand lack a great deal of laborers to work in its 3 D jobs, but the policy toward the Burmese migrant does not show that it really appreciate the Burmese migrant workers who stay in Thailand with many kind of rights abuse. According to Supara Janchitfah (13, Jan, 2008), the writer quoted the report from the International Labour Organisation (ILO) in 2007, that all the migrant workers, in which 75% are Burmese, while made $2 billion in wages last year probably provided $11 billion, or 6.2 percent, to Thai GDP. The amount of this money never taken into the account, but high registration fee, anti-pregnancy, one employee one work permission policies, so on and so forth are invented to suppress those migrant workers, who little by little could not stand independently but have to rely on their employers who wish to exploit them or have to be deceived to be sex workers.
Furthermore, the police who are the state representative, sometime play a role as the gangs who will suppress those women for any money. According to Awatsaya Panam et al. (2004) 48.9 % of 132 Burmese respondents told that Thai police forced them to pay them money. Therefore, lives of Burmese Migrant workers in Thailand seem to be as similarly miserable as the lives in Burma. They still face a lot of problems, especially problem that they can not stand independently, but more likely fall into the situation that other people can take advantages of their poorly economic status in term of exploitation as well as trafficking.
ROLES AND DIFFICULTIES OF CIVIL SOCIETY
With the finding of this research, it is very surprising that Civil Society in Mae Sot tries its best to include all of the involved stakeholders both the local community as well as the government agencies to fight against trafficking. Their role rang from promoting public awareness, rescuing, counseling, taking legal action, and providing vocational training. Thai and Burmese Leaflets, stickers, and booklets are distributed in Mae Sot, explaining the definition of trafficking and the anti-trafficking code, the trick of the trafficker, Thai law related to migrations, and the hot line telephone which those who are trafficked, or those who know or see the case of trafficking can call for any helps (Pleas see Appendix 3).
Network has been created in the community in Mae Sot on the purpose of preventing and taking action against any form of trafficking. According to their model, they includes in their network the police, immigration police, psychological and social workers from Mae Sot Hospital, representative of Human development and human security from Tak Province, lawyers, community leaders, motor taxi Drivers, Thai and Burmese youth, volunteer HIV team, and people in Mae Sot themselves. All these members play the most significant role but in different processes. Usually, the community leaders, Motor Taxi drivers, and people in Mae Sot play the role as the observer and reporter to the police or Civil Society to take action to rescue the trafficked women; the Thai and Burmese Youth and Volunteer HIV Team play the role as the disseminator of the information of how to prevent any form of trafficking through peer-teaching or public propaganda. The psychological and social workers and the lawyers will not only work as the counselor and help those trafficked women to file their complaint against the traffickers, but also try to find out their relatives. Additionally, safe-shelter is included to provide the accommodation as well as some vocational training for those women.
To make sure that strict eyes can be put on the trafficking movement, training is also done, especially among the migrant workers, who can voice back to their communities in Burma. This training course not only provides the aforementioned materials, but also how to detect the vulnerable women who may be deceived and trafficked by other people. As in the training manual of World Vision on Prevention of Women and Children Trafficking, it equips the participants with how to assess, to analyze, and organize activities to help. These three skills will help the participants to ask if in their community has any trafficking activities, what is the cause, and how to help prevent that activities.
Income generation, such as weaving the purse, scarves, bags, and painting also invented for the trafficked victims, the prostitutes who wish to change their jobs as well as the migrants who do not have any jobs at that moments. Moreover, the poverty alleviation program for the Burmese women is created too. Education, which is believed as the only effective way to move the social mobility upward in the modern world is provided to those who wish to come and study. For those pregnant women that need help also can go and rest in the shelter, where the medical service provided. And those parents that have to go to work very far from Mae Sot can have their children taken care in the shelter. Such important factors really help not simply the victim to reintegrate their lives in the society, but also can prevent the poor women from falling into the debt bondage and decided to end up their lives in the trafficking trade.
However, what have learned from the civil society about the difficulties in order to play such important role should be voiced here too. Very often when talking about fund, it is always out of the civil Society’s hand. So far each project that they use usually can be implemented with only the fund from international community, which is sometimes exhausted. Among the civil society, some of them try to generate fund by creating some weaving workshop, but this market is depended on only the market of other countries. It is not sustainable, especially when the receiving country rejected, and it can help those trafficked women temporarily.
Furthermore, the roles of Thai and Burmese Government seem to be limited. Thai government seem to play more role than Burmese government, but “a $ 12.5 million fund was established in August 2004 by the Thai prime minister to care for victims of trafficking and to support anti-trafficking project, only $ 2.5 million have been scheduled for expenditure.” (trafficking in person report in 2006: ??). So far these both countries just depend on the fund that International community provides. Furthermore, with their unclear policy toward the migrants, they sometime indirectly push those women into the hand of the traffickers. Look into Government’s policy really make the Civil Society have heart attack. Try to push the migrants to register, but the government never checks if their salary can be afford to the registration fee or not. The authority that government provided to the police can raid only the illegal migrants, but not their exploiters.
Even those migrant workers contribute a lot to Thai GDP, Government just see them as the national enemy. Many policies are created, even though they are against human rights. For example, the Anti-pregnancy policy which drove Civil Society crazy and asked if it is real. More than this, one may stand up and shout if Thailand is a democratic country, when he/she read the subtitles such as, ” In theory, migrant workers are granted the same occupational safety and health (OSH) protections as their Thai counterparts, but in practice they are rarely implemented”, ” Every objective analysis shows that migrant workers are an essential part of the Thai economy, yet many are forced to endure a cycle of harassment, deportation and exploitive brokers”, ” Problems with foreign laborers should be treated with a cool head – not xenophobic reactions” ” We need to see our guest workers as human beings”.
Additionally, Thailand is probably not humiliated enough when someone read a quote by Jon Ungphakorn (2007):
“Earlier in the year Phuket, Phang-nga, Ranong and Rayong provinces announced provincial regulations prohibiting migrant workers from using mobile phones, driving motorcycles and other vehicles, gathering together for any activities except religious ceremonies, or leaving their living quarters after 9pm unless assigned to the night shift.”
As the consequence of such policies, the migrant workers could not do anything aside from falling into the debt bondage trapped by the traffickers.
There is also a dilemma for the Civil Society in term of Police intervention. When need the intervention from the police to rescue the victims, very often the procedure, including the warrant proposition from the court, takes long time before they take action to rescue the women. Sometime, this time-consuming let the traffickers aware and transfer those women to another places. However, it is ironical to see the police are very effective to raid many places to arrest the illegal migrants, or bully them for some money. Moreover, since some police is involved such a crime, it is difficult to convince the victim to take the legal action against them. As in the case of one illegal Burmese migrant, even though her case is not related to trafficking, it is very worthwhile to notice how a police abused her rights. She worked as the beer promoter in one nightclub in Mae Sot, but she did not sell sex. One day, she was drugged by her employer and raped by a police. She, with some assistance from her friend and Civil Society, tried to check her body at the hospital and bring the matter to the court. But she was arrested at the same day by the same police and her employer with the accusation of stealing their property. Later on, she was threatened and beaten by some gangsters who were hired by the police and her employer. With the threat, and failed to ask for the medical check, she dropt the case and returned home. Similar cases are seen in the Trafficking in persons Report (june, 2006) saying, “the Thai police reported no arrests or prosecutions of law enforcement officials complicit in trafficking. With Such a case really makes the Civil Society face a lot of problems, neither it can implement its role nor gain the trust from the victims. So that’s why sometime Civil Society tries to secretly rescue the victims themselves.
There are more factors that are beyond the capacity of the Civil Society. Since the trafficked women do not have truth in Thai Police and any knowledge of trafficking law, they wish not to report to any police. And some of them who can not speak Thai and do not know the location they are trafficked to, even they can call to Civil Society, it is very difficult to reach the destination and rescue them. Some of them that involved with sex abuse wish not to talk or file the complaint. They just want to return home.
In brief, lives of some Burmese women have experience suffering both in Thailand and Burma. Without awareness of the trafficking, and the push from the economic crisis in their country, they are likely to be deceived and trafficked to be the sex workers or slave like employees. It goes against their expectation and a hope to help their impoverished families, and they themselves have to end up in being exploited as the slave like people, as HIV holders, as drug dealers, and as sex machines. In spite of contributing to Thai and Burmese Economy, their painful lives go slightly into both Thai and Burmese governments. However, with the helps from Civil Society, their voice seems to be taken into account by the Governments and Publics. Civil Society can bargain with the governments to join in rescuing those trafficked women as well as deporting them back home. However, Civil Society itself also has its own limitation, which sometime could not even make the dialogue with the governments whose policies considered their so-called national security and economic growth more privileged than human rights. Fee registration, anti-pregnancy, one work permit-one employer, harsh raid and deportation, the ineffective measure on corrupt police officials and on the traffickers, all of these have driven the migrant workers to be illegal migrants, and from illegal migrant workers to be the trafficked women. With such obstacles, Civil Society could not implement its roles effectively. As the result, one can see the traffickers still exist in both Thailand and Burma, and still make their fruitful business along side with the corrupted officials.
 World Vision .( 2005). “Companion Handbook on Anti-trafficking in Children and women”. Vietnam: Hanoi; see also ISabel Horteiter. “Woman’s Human Rights in Southeast Asia”. published by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (no date)
 ISabel Horteiter. “Woman’s Human Rights in Southeast Asia”. published by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (no date)
 Some people try to argue that even the below-minimum wage salary also can be included as the case of trafficking, if the employers really smuggle, force, and detain them.
 World Vision. (2005) “Training Manual: Prevention of Women and Children Trafficking (for district trainers”. Vietnam: Hanoi. P. 21. Please also see UNIAP: Partnership against Trafficking (no date and publishing place)
 Some researchers try to argue that trafficking also means that a person is smuggled and forced to work with a below-minimum wage salary. Some traffickers tried to pay their workers some money in order to avoid any legal action against them. By knowing that the income in Burma is very low, they just gave them a little bit higher than that, but force them to overwork. Those workers could not quit the job; they are forced, beaten or threaten to bring to the police since their status is illegal migrants or their legal documents are confiscated by their employers.
 Please see the full story from Radio Free Asia. (17.04.2006) Burmese Woman Sold Herself To Save her Mother.
 Please see the full story from Radio Free Asia. (02.12.2006) Cambodian Brides in Taiwan Face Beating, Other Abuse
 Please see the full story in World Vision. (2005) “Training Manual: Prevention of Women and Children Trafficking (for district trainers)”. Vietnam: Hanoi.
 In Cambodia, we really have such a case, when civil society tried to rescue the trafficked women that forced to be sex workers. Some gangs broke into its safe-shelter and took all the women back. Many days later those women were forced to sue that civil society that it broke into their business house and arrested them. (I could not find a reference here, but it is what really happened in Cambodia many years ago)
 As I interview a civil society agent in Mae Sot, he told me that for the smuggler, his crime will be sentenced to jail only from 3 months to one year, but for the trafficker it can be from 1 year to ten years. However, I see only the Thai anti-trafficking law in 1997 which agrees with him, but regarding the smuggling case I could not reach it yet.
 USAID. “Burma”, from http://www.usaid.gov/policy/budget/cbj2005/ane/mm.html. The entry is done by Monday, 2008, 11:55.
 Chaw Chaw . “Rural women Migration to urban garment factories in Myanmar”, in Mingsarn Kaosa-ard and John Dore (ed.). “Social Challenges for the Mekong Region”. Thailand: Social Research institute, Chiangmai University, 2003.
 I find out that some statistics used by some researchers are not clear, especially when they talk about the salary and the exchange rate. They sometimes rely on the local researchers too much without trying to check if their information is rational. In the case of Reiko Harima et al., he made a mistake on the fee of the passport saying that a passport costs from 30000 to 300000 kyat, but when he converted into dollar it turned out to be 300 to 3000 dollars while the exchange rate he claimed to use is only 1000 kyat per dollar.
 It is doubted on how and what kind of methods the writer used to measure poverty in Burma.
 Reiko Harima, Rax Varona, and Christina Defalco. “Migration” in Mingsarn Kaosa-ard and John Dore (ed.). “Social Challenges for the Mekong Region”. Thailand: Social Research institute, Chiangmai University, 2003.
 Chaw Chaw . “Rural women Migration to urban garment factories in Myanmar”, in Mingsarn Kaosa-ard and John Dore (ed.). “Social Challenges for the Mekong Region”. Thailand: Social Research institute, Chiangmai University, 2003: 209
 Please see Pimpawun, Philip Guest , et al. “From trafficking to Sex Worker: Burmese Migrants in Thailand”, in Thomas E. Blair (ed.). 2006. “Living on the edges: Cross-Border Mobility and Sexual Exploitation in the Great Southeast Asia Sub-Region” Thailand: Southeast Asian Consortium on Gender, sexuality and health.
 Please see Worasak Mohatdhanobol. “Chinese Women Entering Sex work in Thailand” published with other reports of the institute for health Sciences under the title of “Cross-Border Sexuality in the Greater Mekong Sub-Region. Indonesia: Yayasan Galang, 2002.
 Pimpawun, Philip Guest , et al. “From trafficking to Sex Worker: Burmese Migrants in Thailand”, in Thomas E. Blair (ed.). 2006. “Living on the edges: Cross-Border Mobility and Sexual Exploitation in the Great Southeast Asia Sub-Region” Thailand: Southeast Asian Consortium on Gender, sexuality and health.
 Erika Fry. (9, Dec, 2007). “Every objective analysis shows that migrant workers are an essential part of the Thai economy, yet many are forced to endure a cycle of harassment, deportation and exploitive brokers.” Bangkok Post.
 Interview with a civil society agent in Mae Sot.
 Awatsaya Panam et al. (2004:93). “Migrant Domestic Workers: From Burma to Thailand”. Thailand: Institute of Population and Social Research Mahidol University, Salaya Campus.
 Supara Janchitfah (13 Jan, 2008). An Ounce of Prevention. Archived by Human rights Sub-Committee on Ethnic Minorities, Stateless, Migrant Workers and Displaced Persons. Bangkok Post
 Awatsaya Panam et al. (2004). “Migrant Domestic Workers: From Burma to Thailand”. Thailand: Institute of Population and Social Research Mahidol University, Salaya Campus.
 World Vision. (2005) “Training Manual: Prevention of Women and Children Trafficking (for district trainers”. Vietnam: Hanoi.
 Erika Fry. (9, Dec, 2007) “Every objective analysis shows that migrant workers are an essential part of the Thai economy, yet many are forced to endure a cycle of harassment, deportation and exploitive brokers.” Bangkok Post.
 Bangkok Post. (16 Nov, 2007) Problems with foreign laborers should be treated with a cool head – not xenophobic reactions”.
 Jon Ungpahkorn. (14, Nov, 2007).”We need to see our guest workers as human beings”. Bangkok Post.
 According to the interview with a woman working in One Civil Society in Mae Sot, it is believed that some staffs at the hospital also receive some bribes from the police and the employer to conceal the medical check..